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But, as with other attitudes and experiences, clear differences emerge among multiracial groups depending on which races make up their background. Biracial adults who are white and American Indian—who make up half of the total multiracial population surveyed—are more Republican-leaning and conservative than the rest of the multiracial population, and their viewpoints closely resemble those of single-race whites.
At the same time, multiracial adults who have some black background lean more toward the Democratic Party and generally have less conservative views than the general public—closely resembling single-race blacks on these measures. Biracial white and Asian adults also tend to lean more Democratic and liberal than the general public, and their views generally, but not consistently, are more in line with those Political asian adult hookups are radical single-race Asians than single-race whites.
Americans are more negative about other changes in the American family, such as increases in single mothers, unmarried parents, and gay or lesbian parents.
In terms of their political partisanship, multiracial adults tilt more toward the Democratic than the Republican Party; the same is true of the general public. Hidden within this leaned identity is a large share of multiracial adults who, when initially asked about their political views, say they are neither Republican nor Democrat. Pew Research Center analysis has shown that young adults are less likely than older adults to affiliate with either of the two major political parties.
The relative youthfulness of the multiracial population helps explain the high share of mixed-race adults who describe themselves as unattached to either major political party. This stands in contrast to the Democratic leanings of all other subgroups of multiracial adults and the general public. The sample of single-race American Indians is too small for comparison.
Compared with the general public, multiracial groups with some black background tilt more strongly toward the Democratic Party. The other two multiracial subgroups with partially black backgrounds are somewhat less likely than single-race blacks to lean Democratic and are at least three times as likely to lean Political asian adult hookups are radical. Nevertheless, their political leanings more closely resemble those of black adults than single-race white adults. As with party affiliation, multiracial adults on the whole do not differ from the general public when it comes to political ideology.
Biracial adults who are white and American Indian are the only multiracial subgroup analyzed in which the balance tilts toward a conservative ideology. Among the other multiracial subgroups, the balance either tilts liberal or is split between the two ideologies. When it comes to political ideology, views are not consistent across the multiracial groups that include a black racial background.
These multiracial adults are less than half as likely as single-race whites to say they have conservative views, but their views do not differ ificantly from those of single-race blacks. Their political ideology does not differ from that of single-race blacks. When asked what kind of government they would rather have if they had to choose—a smaller government providing fewer services or a bigger government providing more services—multiracial adults are divided. Because views about the role of government are closely related to political ideology, the responses among different multiracial groups follow a similar pattern.
The views of biracial white and Asian adults fall almost directly between those of the single-race groups that make up their background. Biracial Political asian adult hookups are radical and American Indian adults stand out among the other multiracial groups for the high share saying government aid to the poor does more harm than good.
Among the other multiracial subgroups, government aid is consistently seen as doing more good than harm. By contrast, the views of biracial white and black adults align closely with the black component of their racial background. The views of the other multiracial groups with some black background also resemble those of single-race blacks. Multiracial adults have different views from the general public on some key policy issues. They are somewhat less likely to favor gun control and more likely to favor marijuana legalization. They do not differ from the general public when it comes to the punishment deemed appropriate for convicted murderers—life in prison versus the death penalty—or whether abortion should be legal.
Biracial adults who are white and American Indian are by far the most likely to support protecting the rights of gun owners—seven-in-ten say that this is the more important goal, while just three-in-ten say controlling gun ownership is more important.
By contrast, single-race white adults are much more likely to favor gun rights than biracial white and black adults and multiracial white, black and American Indian adults. On this issue, the opinions of biracial white and Asian adults are almost identical to those of single-race whites. The greater support for marijuana legalization among multiracial adults is not only explained by the relative youthfulness of this population compared with the general public. However, the larger share of multiracial adults in older age groups that approve of recreational marijuana legalization also contributes to a higher level of support than among the general public.
Among other multiracial groups, support for legalization of recreational marijuana use is similar to the support among the general public. Furthermore, these multiracial subgroups do not differ on this measure from the single-race counterparts that comprise each of their mixed racial backgrounds. Other groups of Political asian adult hookups are radical adults are more evenly divided and do not differ ificantly on this measure from the general public or the single-race groups that make up their racial backgrounds.
Relative to other changes in the American family structure, increases in interracial marriages and parenting are seen as the least harmful, as well as among the most positive.
By comparison, other changing living situations for children are seen as more negative than positive. Young adults are at the leading edge of acceptance of interracial families. Americans ages 18 to 29 are ificantly less likely than Americans ages 30 and older to say the trends that have led to more interracial marriages and parents are a bad thing for society.
It is notable that of the four age groups analyzed, these adults are the only one to have come of age at a time when interracial marriages were outlawed in many parts of the country. These ratings of negativity follow steady slopes downward across the younger age groups. Among adults ages 50 to 64, about half as many say these trends are bad for society than among those older than them.
Multiracial adults are somewhat more likely than adults in the general Political asian adult hookups are radical to see these changes as being good for society as a whole. Majorities of each group say that these changes in family composition have not made much difference to society, with about one-in-ten saying each of these changes have been bad for society.
Looking at Political asian adult hookups are radical single-race groups that comprise their multiracial background, white and Asian adults more closely reflect the views of single-race Asians on these issues than single-race whites. These attitudes may reflect the relatively high share of Asians who intermarry. Large shares of multiracial subgroups with some black background see discrimination against blacks in the United States. Do I involve myself in this conflict? Or do I save myself the emotional trouble and just get out of there? White and American Indian biracial woman, age Multiracial adults with a black background are more likely than the general public to say discrimination is the main thing holding many black people back.
Multiracial adults are roughly evenly split on their opinions about the impact of immigrants on the U. These are similar to the shares among single-race whites, but on balance the single-race group is more likely to see immigrants as a burden to the U. In times of uncertainty, good decisions demand good data. Please support our research with a financial contribution.
Are you a Core Conservative? A Solid Liberal? Or somewhere in between? Take our quiz to find out which one of our Political Typology groups is your best match. Born afterthe oldest Gen Zers will turn 23 this year. They are racially and ethnically diverse, progressive and pro-government, and more than 20 million will be eligible to vote in November. About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research.
Pew Research Center does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts. Newsletters Donate My. Research Topics. Multiracial Adults Not Unified on Party ID In terms of their political partisanship, multiracial adults tilt more toward the Democratic than the Republican Party; the same is true of the general public. Multiracial Adults Split on Political Ideology As with party affiliation, multiracial adults on the whole do not differ from the general public when it comes to political ideology.
Multiracial Adults Split on Opinions About Size of Government When asked what kind of government they would rather have if they had to choose—a smaller government providing fewer services or a bigger government providing more services—multiracial adults are divided. Other Policy Issues Multiracial adults have different views from the general public on some key policy issues.
Multiracial Adults Split over Impact of Immigrants Multiracial adults are roughly evenly split on their opinions about the impact of immigrants on the U. Facts are more important than ever In times of uncertainty, good decisions demand good data. Wide partisan divide on whether voting is a fundamental right or a privilege with responsibilities.
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Chapter 6: Partisanship, Policy Views and Social Values